Pls make BB read

 _____

From: [email protected] [[email protected]]
Sent: 14 February 2011 17:24
To: [email protected]
Subject: NewsRealBlog: The Left Discovers the Muslim Brotherhood’s Transnational Network of Extremists–SEE IN BOLD

– NewsReal Blog – http://www.newsrealblog.com –

 The Left Discovers the Muslim Brotherhood’s Transnational Network of Extremists–and Supports Them Anyway

 Posted By Seth Mandel On February 10, 2011 @ 8:00 am In Anti-Semitism,Email,Feature,Right to Exist | 2 Comments

 Here’s a riddle for you: How many rocket, mortar, and missile attacks can Hamasniks in Gaza launch without breaking a cease-fire?

You might think the obvious answer is zero–you cannot be firing rockets at civilians while still abiding by a cease-fire. But the world is more complex than that, or so I learned after reading the latest installment of Peter Beinart’s ongoing attempt at rehabilitating the reputations of Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood.

Hamas, Beinart writes, “has been basically observing a de-facto cease-fire for two years now.” As of early this week, Hamasniks have launched 43 attacks on Israeli civilians so far in 2011. I assume that Beinart inserted the word “basically” to account for the fact that Hamas has not completely ceased firing, but are making an effort. Yet considering they are averaging one attack per day thus far this year, it is a positively Clintonian abuse of the weasel word.

What’s more likely, however, is that Beinart simply has no idea what’s really going on over there. And we can give the Daily Beast the benefit of the doubt by assuming that when they merged with Newsweek, the Daily Beast acquired Newsweek’s fact-checkers, which explains this type of monumental mistake making it into print.

Speaking of Newsweek: The magazine recently ran an article that echoed Beinart’s opinion that the Muslim Brotherhood is no real threat to Israel or the broader West. Beinart informs us that “The Muslim Brotherhood is not al Qaeda: It abandoned violence decades ago, and declared that it would pursue its Islamist vision through the democratic process.”

Beinart takes the Muslim Brotherhood at its word, just as he takes Hamas’s word for the cease-fire they are respecting by attacking Israel every single day. And the Newsweek reporters tell us that in a democracy, the “mystique” of the Brotherhood will rapidly fade:

“When, finally, Arab governments come to understand that, the threat of the Muslim Brotherhood may well be over.”

But perhaps the Daily Beast/Newsweek idea of keeping the Muslim Brotherhood out of power by putting the Muslim Brotherhood in power isn’t the best idea. Perhaps, that is, they should not be taken at their word.

For evidence to back up our skepticism, we look to… Newsweek? Yes, that same article that tells us to trust the Muslim Brotherhood also includes this gem:

“NEWSWEEK has obtained an extensive dossier, compiled last year by Arab analysts with close ties to Saudi intelligence, that argues that a well-financed global Muslim Brotherhood network uses ‘moderate-seeming politicians to further its extremist agenda’ as far away as Malaysia.”

This would not have been news to Newsweek had they made a regular habit of reading our site. That “moderate-seeming” politician in Malaysia is Anwar Ibrahim, whose connections to the Muslim Brotherhood, anti-Semitism, and all-around bad habits we have documented here, here, here, and here.

And that is just one example. Let’s remember that the Brotherhood operates in 70 countries worldwide. And that brings us to the most significant issue with the constant exhortations not to worry about the Muslim Brotherhood. They have a transnational network of terror-supporting Islamist anti-Semites like Anwar Ibrahim and his supporters. What do you suppose the foreign policy of an organization like the Muslim Brotherhood would be if they gained power in Egypt? With whom, do you suppose, would they ally themselves?

When it comes to Malaysia–a country our government considers an important ally in the war on terror–the Brotherhood has Anwar Ibrahim in the opposition. In Israel, the Brotherhood has its affiliate Hamas.

So now that we know the type of groups the Brotherhood associates with, and considering their stated goal remains to bring about Sharia law in each country in which the Brotherhood operates, how should we feel about the Brotherhood affiliates in the West? Britain, Germany, and France all have prominent chapters. The U.S. has many–including beloved CAIR.

These organizations have tremendous influence already, which would only increase were the Muslim Brotherhood to take even a significant slice of the power up for grabs right now in Egypt. As Stephen Coughlin, Vice President of Strategic Communication Initiatives for the Strategic Engagement Group, told me, the best recent example of the Brotherhood’s influence in Western countries would be the French riots of 2006. Though the Brotherhood did not start the riots, he said:

“The Muslim brotherhood stepped into that situation, and knew how to take control of it. And it didn’t end until the French government asked the Muslim Brotherhood-associated imams to tell people to stop. And then of course the Muslim Brother imam did, and it stopped immediately. So what did they get? They got the French to recognize that if you want to work with the Muslims in France you have to go through the Brotherhood.”

The Brotherhood considers itself the gatekeeper, as it were, to the Muslim communities around the world. And it has demonstrated it knows how to take advantage of a populist uprising it did not spur or even join at the outset. That is because the Brotherhood is, as the Heritage Foundation’s James Carafano told me, “fanatically well-organized and well-financed.”

The point of Beinart’s essay, by the way, was to propose that Israel ease its restrictions on Hamas, thus giving them more land, more weapons, more resources, and more political power. He is suggesting to Western leaders that they allow for the rise to power of Hamas in the West Bank (instead of just Gaza) and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt simultaneously. Of course, calling for the inclusion of Hamas and pooh-poohing the threat of the Muslim Brotherhood has become mainstream leftist conventional wisdom. That’s why Beinart wrote it.

In the September issue of Commentary, Andrew Ferguson wrote the definitive article on Beinart, famous for his shameless careerism. The following paragraph is talking about Beinart’s New York Review of Books essay on why AIPAC and Orthodox Jews are to blame for the mess in the Mideast, but he just as easily could be–and I think, is–talking about anything Beinart writes:

“Influencing practical outcomes, though, is not the point of a career like Beinart’s. The career is an end in itself, which is why last year’s ideological fashion can be so easily shrugged off for next year’s model. Many American friends of Israel and students of Washington politics found his recent article unnerving, but not for the reasons Beinart might have hoped. Like the neoliberal he once was, he makes no new arguments and presents no new facts. If he wants to position himself as scourge to Israel’s government and scold to America’s Zionists, it is because those views are now squarely in the mainstream of liberal opinion. That alone is unnerving, and the sum of what his essay revealed. This is not a man to take chances.”

And that is the value in Beinart’s Daily Beast column as well. It is an indication of just how popular the concept of welcoming the Muslim Brotherhood into the international arena has become on the left.

We cannot control Egyptian politics, but we should not let our guard down, either. The Muslim Brotherhood is not now, nor will it be, an innocuous actor in democratic governance. The sooner we accept that, the better.

  _____

Article printed from NewsReal Blog: http://www.newsrealblog.com

URL to article: http://www.newsrealblog.com/2011/02/10/the-left-discovers-the-muslim-brotherhood’s-transnational-network-of-extremists-and-supports-them-anyway/

You see from his own words!

—–Original Message—–
From: [email protected]
To: [email protected]
Sent: Thu, Sep 23, 2010 11:16 pm
Subject: Re : Final CFR Speech Draft

My dear Omar :-

You absolutely correct. We are working on it this evening and you will have the new shortened draft for the PM to speak for about 20 to 25 minutes tomorrow and as soon as you arrive in NYC.

Safe trip and talk in the evening!

Respectfully,

Nawaf

—–E-mail d’origine—–
De : [email protected]
A : [email protected]
Envoyé le : Jeudi, 23 Septembre 2010 13:17
Sujet : Re: Final CFR Speech Draft

Nawaf,

I really like the final product for CFR. But am concerned at 3,800 words it is too long. PM speaks at a rate of 100 words per minute, so this is around 38 minutes! May be too lengthy for an impatient New York crowd?

Your thoughts my friend?

Sent from my BlackBerry® wireless device via Vodafone-Celcom Mobile.

  _____

From: Oscar <[email protected]>

Date: Thu, 23 Sep 2010 18:39:54 0800

To: <[email protected]>

Subject: Re: Final CFR Speech Draft

Noted, with gratitude for your assistance.

On Thu, Sep 23, 2010 at 6:31 AM, <[email protected]> wrote:

Omar :-

We have done a final edit and made some small tweaks, in BOLD.
I am pasting below and attaching it.

Respectfully,

Nawaf

**********

Thank you to Hank (Greenberg) for your kind words of introduction and
to the Council for inviting me to speak with you this morning. Hank
has been a longstanding friend and supporter of Malaysia and I am
extremely delighted to be back in the United States, to partake of the
dynamic culture of the great city of New York, and of course to be
here at the Council on Foreign Relations, one of the most progressive
and productive political discussion forums in the world. It is
especially inspiring to be here in a time of intense global
uncertainty and tension – a time when the kind of clear-sighted,
level-headed, intellectually-daring ideas and proposals for which the
Council is renowned is needed more than ever.

As the world still reels from a financial crisis that has reverberated
through the economic fibers of almost every nation, and as we continue
to take stock of and seek mutually beneficial resolutions to events in
the Middle East, Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere, I believe more than
ever that we must bravely embark on a new voyage of international
dialogue, reflection and cooperation. We must work together to wrest
growth from recession and harmony from conflict.

I would like to begin my speech today with a little anecdote about
Thomas Jefferson, for as I am in America it seems only fitting and
proper that I should take one of its great thinkers as a launching off
point for the ideas I will here present. The time was 1777, and the
founding father was circulating among his friends a copy of his Bill
for Religious Freedom; a more moving, fundamental expression of
tolerance than even the First Amendment of the US Constitution. He was
having little luck pushing the bill through the Virginia Legislature,
which feared alienating the Anglican church, and felt that getting
some feedback on its phrasing might improve his chances. But in order
that the feedback be unbiased, he omitted to mention to his readers
that he was the author of the bill. Nevertheless, one of Jefferson’s
friends, Quaker lawyer John Todd, intuiting the WRITER from the style,
wrote to Jefferson approvingly of the document’s sentiments, and said
something that I, as the leader of a multi-ethnic, democratic nation
not entirely unlike America, have always taken as both an inspiration
and a challenge: “People of different sentiments in religion will all
be one in their love and fidelity to the State, which secures them
everything dear and valuable.”

I find this quote to be an inspiration because it helps us believe in
people of all religions putting aside their differences and working
for the common good, but it also contains a subtle challenge, for it
makes clear that the common love and fidelity of the people for their
state can only prove more powerful than their religious differences if
the state “secures them everything dear and valuable.” It is to the
issue of securing the people of Malaysia – and by extension all people
– everything dear and valuable that my speech is dedicated. In short,
I want to spell out what Malaysia is doing, both in our own country
and in collaboration with our international partners, to maintain the
peace, increase the economic prosperity, and play a pivotal role in
the overall march of global progress.

First, I wish to talk about Malaysia’s relationship with the United
States and to make some remarks regarding recent issues surrounding
9/11 and the meeting of the Muslim and American worlds. While there
will always be those on BOTH sides who seek to sow misunderstanding
and to fan the flames of hatred between Islam and the US, as President
Obama recently said, we must, while remembering the tragic events of
9/11, not give in to their prejudices. The forces that connect us are
far greater than the forces that drive us apart, and Malaysia and the
United States will remain united both by our common values and by our
shared strategic interests.

In that light, I would like to announce today that Malaysia will
commit to financially support TOTALING US$3m towards the building of
the proposed Parc 51 Muslim cultural center in lower Manhattan. We
will also commit to financing a special outreach program that will be
MODELED on the inter-faith and inter-ethnic approaches we have taken
to bring communities together in Malaysia. We hope this small
contribution will further cement the relationship between our two
countries as we share our own experiences – successes as well as
challenges – of sustaining nationhood in a complex ethnic and
religious setting.

Among the many common bonds between Malaysia and the US stands first
and foremost the safeguarding of our societies against the forces of
terror. Our countries are united in the fight against the threats of
extremism, and we must continue to cooperate intensively with each
other on security issues. We are also one in believing that the world
needs to come together to find a solution to the controversy
surrounding Iran, and we believe that this solution must be diplomatic
rather than military.

Malaysia stands with the United States in having concerns over various
international issues. In Afghanistan, Malaysia is cooperating with
American and other nations in rebuilding the country, training
teachers and public officials, and looking at how we can do even more
to build social order by extending that training to policy and
military personnel. In fact, just this summer we decided to send 40
personnel as part of an Interim National Support and Assistance
Operation Mission to Afghanistan to work with the Provincial
Reconstruction Team from New Zealand. A number of Malaysian medics
also left for Kabul just a few weeks ago.

Another important area in which Malaysia looks to assist the US goals
is in the Middle EAST peace process. While Malaysia considers itself a
religious and ethnic melting pot, it has a strong cultural connection
to the Muslim world and the Middle East due to the fact that over 60%
of its population PRACTICES Islam. Therefore, we take great interest
in the Israeli-Palestinian situation. It is, in our opinion, extremely
important that the violence and injustice occurring on all sides there
come to an end, and we have lent and will continue to lend our
untiring efforts toward that goal.

While Malaysia supports the peace process and believes that the core
interests of both parties can be satisfied within a lasting agreement
as proposed by the Arab Peace Plan put forward by King Abdullah of
Saudi Arabia, we firmly declare that the basic rights of the
Palestinians must not be sacrificed to achieve that peace. The
Palestinian people must be deemed worthy of and accorded the same
fundamental human rights – safety, dignity, freedom, justice, health,
self-determination, and economic opportunity – as all people on this
planet. Israel’s settlement building policy must cease immediately and
the Palestinians should have a viable independent sovereign state. I
realise this may not be a popular statement to make in America – and
perhaps even more so in New York – but I am speaking without fear nor
favour, as an honest, long-standing friend of the United States.

On all issues relating to national security and international
relations, I firmly believe that Malaysia can provide something to the
United States that is perhaps as unique as it is valuable – We stand
in a special position to be a moderate Muslim partner for America. In
a time when America is reaching out to so many Muslim countries and
seeking to understand them and inspire them to join in the joint
securing of our societies against extremism, such a partner could be
extremely important, and I am all too happy to offer our assistance as
such.

But relationship between Malaysia and America is about more than just
strategic partnerships and international dilemmas. It is about trade
and investment. It is about investing in the global recovery. It is
about spawning optimism and opportunity. It is about working together
to provide our people with everything dear and valuable through the
growth of our economies.

The United States is Malaysia’s biggest trading partner. Malaysia
receives exports from the US worth more than $500 million dollars a
month and rising. In fact, in the first seven months of this year,
exports of US goods and services were up 17.9%. More than 600 U.S.
companies now operate in Malaysia, with investments valued at almost
$13 billion dollars. A high proportion of American direct investment
in Malaysia is by new knowledge-based companies like Dell, Intel and
Motorola, and recently we have seen tech giants like Microsoft
announce that they are expanding their operations in Malaysia. This is
an exciting development that takes Malaysia another step closer to
becoming the hi-tech, knowledge-based, innovative economy we envision
for ourselves.

Indeed, Malaysia is the high-tech gateway to South East Asia, and
South East Asia – the 10 ASEAN nations, nearly 600 million people with
an economic growth rate of 6% this year, is a fantastic place to
invest with new growth opportunities opening up all the time.

The importance of ASEAN to Malaysia and the other economies of which
it consists cannot be overstated. In today’s fast changing global
economy where companies can operate anywhere, nations like Malaysia
need to work harder than ever to attract investors, and that means
thinking regionally as well as nationally. For that reason I am
committed to working, with the welcome support of the United States,
towards an ASEAN that is empowered to meet its goals OF greater
economic integration – an unapologetic regionalism, but a regionalism
that is co-operative, open and transparent rather than pitted against
other regional and global architectures.

As America’s fourth largest overseas market, ASEAN is very much a
force to be taken seriously – and with the second ASEAN/U.S. summit
just concluded here in New York, I would encourage those of you from
the business and diplomatic community to find out a bit more about all
it has to offer. As Secretary of State Clinton has remarked, now is
the time to re-engage with South East Asia.

So I am proud of Malaysia’s place at the heart of ASEAN, and I am
determined to do everything possible to cement that strong position
for the benefit of all. But to cement that position and make our
country an economic model for all ASEAN members, it is important that
Malaysia make some key policy changes to its economic regime. This is
why I am deeply committed to a wide-ranging program of domestic
reforms to advance the economic status of our country and to make it
more attractive to investors. What we are doing specifically requires
a bit of backstory, so allow me, if you will, a short history lesson.

Since Malaysian independence in 1957, our tale has been one of
incredible transformation and growth. We have developed from a
low-income commodities-based economy dependent on rubber and tin to a
modern, industrial, middle-income nation with strong economic
fundamentals. The programs of our leaders have been responsible for
this remarkable change, and for ensuring an average annual growth rate
of 8 per cent per year in the late eighties and nineties. In fact,
from 1957 to 1997, the average annual growth rate was 6.7 per cent.
This growth improved the lives of all Malaysians. The country’s per
capita income rose from $306 in 1965 to over $6,700 last year. Also,
the percentage of the population living in absolute poverty plummeted
from 50% in 1970 to less than 4% today. Most importantly, income
inequality declined substantially during these years, and education
and health standards also improved remarkably. These transformations
continue to this day as we seek to move to the next level and take our
place among the world’s high-income nations.

This amazing growth story has come about because of the New Economic
Policy (NEP) that was put in place by my father nearly 40 years ago.
It was for its time a highly enlightened plan, and it has brought us
far. However, it is my assertion that certain elements of the NEP have
overstayed their welcome and that we must adapt them anew to better
suit the economic climate in which we find ourselves.

This is why in March, 2010, I introduced my New Economic Model (NEM).
It will replace the NEP and herald a number of significant
improvements to the way Malaysia does business. It will cut red tape,
encourage investment, increase competition and drive innovation. It
will improve the performance of our institutions and public services.
And it will help assure even greater harmony among our many diverse
peoples by giving each the opportunity to excel at their dreams
without indiscriminate preference or artificial impediments.

Apropos OF this issue, as you may have heard, there is much debate in
Malaysia about my decision to replace the NEP with the NEM because at
the heart of the NEP was an affirmative action program, quite
visionary for its time, that many hold largely responsible for the
economic progress our country has made since its inception. The policy
came about because of race riots first triggered by the native Malays
in 1969. At that time, while they constituted 55% of the population,
they only owned 3% of the wealth. Clearly, this was a state of
economic inequality that needed to be addressed. Therefore, the NEP
was put into place and, as my father wrote in the foreword, while the
goal of the policy was to reduce severe economic inequality, a bedrock
principle of the law was that no Malaysian should “experience any loss
or feel any sense of deprivation of his rights, privileges, income,
job or opportunity.” This remains our guiding principle to this day,
and I have no intention of dismantling my father’s legacy and every
intention of furthering it.

However, I do plan on adapting it to the demands of the 21st century.
Under my government, we are finding more market efficient mechanisms
to achieve the goals of the NEP: increasing social equity and creating
a more level playing field for all market participants, domestic and
international. The steps that we are taking – for example in
liberalizing ownership requirements in key sectors of our economy and
gradually withdrawing broad based and unsustainable subsidies – are
real and far-reaching: sometimes risky, occasionally unpopular, but
essential if Malaysia is to escape the middle income trap and make the
leap from a manufacturing and export-oriented economy to a hi-tech,
knowledge-based economy.

Certainly, Malaysia is a highly competitive country, but faced with
increased competition from low-cost producers like China, Vietnam and
India, it is clear that we cannot compete for the manufacture of
low-cost goods and services in a race to the bottom. Instead, we must
become a major player in the race to the top – moving up the value
chain to compete with any global player due to the innovation, skill
and talent of our people and businesses.

Let me add that I am a firm believer that for Malaysia to succeed in
its aims to transform ourselves into a high income economy, we will
continue to need the active participation, boundless energy and
innovative capacity of the private sector. It is in this light that
only last week, my government unveiled for public scrutiny, details of
the National Key Economic Areas (NKEAs) that were identified as
drivers of growth in this next stage of our development. A total of
131 projects amounting to $444 billion in investments have been
identified under this 10 year Economic Transformation Programme to
kick start our drive towards high income nation status. 92% of the
funding required is expected to come from private sector sources, of
which around 27% is expected to be foreign direct investment. The 12
key sectors identified include ground-breaking investments and
projects in oil & gas, financial services, tourism, urban
infrastructure, education, palm oil, agriculture, ICT services, urban
infrastructure and retail trade. If we get this right, we will create
3.3 million new jobs, triple our Gross National Income (GNI) from $188
billion to $523 billion by 2020 and more than double per capita income
from $6,700 currently to at least $15,000 to achieve the World Bank’s
benchmark for a high-income nation.

In short, if our economy is to flourish, and if our society is to
become more unified through the benefits of prosperity, we are going
to need to work together to find new niches, new sources of growth and
new ways of gaining a competitive advantage. I believe it is that
spirit of enterprise and innovation, through ever closer partnership
between government, the private sector and civil society – coupled
with a firm political will to eliminate corruption, wastage ad
inefficiencies (one of 6 NKRAs, or “National Key Result Areas” of my
government) that has for too long held our country in its grasp – that
will set Malaysia on a bold new path and chart the course towards
economic success and the ability to again – in the words of Jefferson
– secure everything dear and valuable for our people.

And now, just before I hand the floor back to Hank and begin taking
questions, I want to speak more specifically about what I mean when I
say the Malaysian people, for in a more detailed description there
lies, I believe, an important, unique feature about Malaysia and a way
in which we can play a pivotal role in US/Islamic relations and global
issues in general. I am speaking of the most striking social aspect of
our country – our diversity.

Malaysia is a melting pot. We are a multi-ethnic nation made up of
Malays, Chinese, Indians and indigenous peoples. And despite – or
perhaps because of – this diversity, we have been blessed with a
veritable boon of social harmony. Peace has flowered beautifully in
our nation, and we have reaped its many rewards.

How have we done it? While there are many reasons – a solid
parliamentary structure, an emphasis on economic progress and
education, a strong governmental commitment to religious freedom and
ethnic harmony – one quality of our political and social culture is
perhaps more responsible than any other.

You see, in the Muslim world we have a word, wasatiyyah, which means
‘moderation’ or ‘balance’. It is a quality that is valued very highly
in Malaysian society, and it has been key in preserving the social
harmony of our nation. It promotes a sense of fairness and justice
that seeks to maintain balance. Indeed, the holy Quran celebrates such
balance premised upon justice in these words: “Thus We have made of
you a community justly balanced that you might be witnesses over the
nations and the Messenger a witness over yourselves” (al-Baqarah,
2:143).

It is because the nation is “justly balanced” that the interests of
the different communities are taken into consideration when
formulating national policy. Thus, while Malay is the official
language and taught in mainstream public schools, other languages are
widely used in everyday life – and public funding is provided for
special schools where Mandarin and Tamil is the medium of instruction.
While Islam is the religion of the Malaysian Federation, the followers
of other faiths are accorded freedom of worship. While the Malaysian
Constitution protects the special position of the Malays and other
indigenous communities, it also safeguards the legitimate interests of
the other communities.

I have attempted to codify into policy this spirit of equilibrium and
tolerance by announcing 1Malaysia, a new national banner behind which
all Malaysian citizens can unite in the name of building a more open
and equitable society that allows all its members an opportunity to
flourish. It is a determinedly democratic impulse that is underpinned
by my commitment to furthering national unity and social justice, but
I also make no apologies for saying that it is also about leveraging
our economic strengths.

For if we are to continue to compete in the new global economy, we
must make the most of the talents of all our people and not just some
of them. We must inspire, educate and empower not only the Malays, but
all of our citizens. For just as America’s great melting pot has
always been a source of strength, I am equally certain that Malaysia’s
multicultural diversity is to its great benefit as well. We are
geographically and culturally unique, with strong historic and
cultural links to China, India, the Middle East, and this means we are
able to engage with new and emerging centers of economic growth while
at the same time act as a sturdy and established bridge to the West.

By taking steps to help everyone make the most of their talents – and
human talent has for too long been undervalued in Malaysia, something
I am seeking to address – we are paving the way not only for a fair
society with opportunities for all our citizens regardless of race or
religion but also for a Malaysia that is more stable, more transparent
and even more market friendly. We are fully accepting that social
harmony and economic reform are the two feet of a forward-moving
nation. And the energy that compels them both is increasing prosperity
through fairness, through balancing meritocracy with social justice to
build a nation that is united and ready to meet its many challenges
and opportunities.

Thomas Jefferson had to wait until 1786 – nine years after it was
first introduced – to see his Bill of Religious Freedom become law in
Virginia. While I am confident that I will not have to wait quite that
long to reap the dividends from the New Economic Model, I am also
aware that politics is a process, and that there are always more
questions and more answers to insert into the laboratory of action.
Certainly, for my part, I feel that one of the most important things I
can do is listen: to the markets, to the insights and opinions of
those around me – and I especially look forward to our upcoming
discussion – and, of course, I must listen to the Malaysian people.
For in the end it is their interests that I have at heart. It is their
unity and prosperity that I know to be my primary objective as their
leader. In short, I know that they will put aside their differences
and give their allegiance to their state if their state can secure
them everything dear and valuable. It is to that end that I dedicate
myself for the days ahead just as I dedicate myself today to
discussing with you how we might best achieve it together.

Thank you.